Martin Buber and the Human Sciences.
The Flight from Reality in the Human Sciences
Religion, Theology and the Human Sciences. Romanticism and human sciences. Islam, Modernity, and the Human Sciences. Turn Up the Heat. Recommend Documents. Table of Contents Foreword Turn in the South Shapiro's contribution is to argue that, even taken on its own terms, the rational choice approach fails miserably in political science; it has "degenerated into elaborate exercises geared toward saving Read the entire article on the New Atlantis website new window will open.
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Sign up to get a daily email listing all the new articles. Want weekly summaries instead? But, in addition to these political considerations, Shapiro contends that there is a philosophical link between justice and democracy, rooted in the fact that the most plausible accounts of both ideals involve commitments to the idea of non-domination.
Power and hierarchy are endemic to human interaction.
This means domination is an ever-present possibility. The challenge is to find ways to limit domination while minimizing interference with legitimate hierarchies and power relations. This leads Shapiro to his claim that democracy is a subordinate or conditioning good: one that shapes the terms of human interaction without thereby determining its course.
Pursuing democratic justice involves deferring, where possible, to what Shapiro describes as insider's wisdom. By this he means encouraging people to democratize - for themselves - the collective pursuit of the things they value.
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Imposed solutions are unlikely to be as effective as those designed by insiders, and their legitimacy will always be in question. They are solutions of last resort.
Ian Shapiro - Cites de Google Acadèmic
In the applied chapters of Democratic Justice , Shapiro shows how this can be done in different phases of the human life cycle, from childhood through the adult worlds of work and domestic life, retirement, old age, and approaching death. Shapiro spells out the implications of his account for debates about authority over children, the law of marriage and divorce, abortion and population control, the workplace, basic incomes guarantees, health insurance, retirement policies, and decisions made by and for the infirm elderly.
The latter includes a response to critics of the theory of democratic justice and a sketch of additional projected volumes on public institutions and democracy and distribution. Shapiro has also worked on issues related to transitions from authoritarianism to democracy.
In several papers written with Courtney Jung and others,   he has developed an account of the conditions that make negotiated transitions to democracy more and less likely to occur, addressing also the question of how they can be made sustainable when they do occur. This work has generated substantial scholarly debate. In several articles and books Shapiro has defended distinctive accounts of the nature of social scientific knowledge, the best means of acquiring it, and its implications for political philosophy. In Pathologies of Rational Choice Theory ,  Shapiro and co-author Donald Green took on the reigning method in the social sciences: the use of rational choice models derived from neoclassical economics to explain, predict, and interpret political action.
By reviewing the results of rational choice models in several key areas of political science, including voting behavior, collective action , legislative behavior, and spatial theories of elections, Green and Shapiro concluded that rational choice theory has achieved a great deal less than it claims. When this syndrome is at work, data no longer test theories: instead, theories continually impeach and elude data.
In short, empirical research becomes theory driven rather than problem driven, designed more to save or vindicate some variant of rational choice theory rather than to account for any specific set of political phenomena.
When these assumptions are scrutinized and tested empirically, they are all too often been found to be false. And when rational choice theory generates explanations that are true and predictive , typically such explanations turn out to be banal, obvious, and hence of little merit on that count. Pathologies generated considerable critical attention from all quarters in the political science discipline,  some of which spilled over into the realm of public debate.
In The Flight from Reality in the Human Sciences , Shapiro takes a systematic look at the many ways in which the human sciences have lost sight of their objects of study, confusing apparent methodological rigor with accuracy. This matters, he argues, because the conclusions that result, even while resting on assumptions divorced from reality, can profoundly impact real outcomes. Through inefficacy, for example, this kind of social science can neuter social criticism. For instance, if we are concerned with reducing injustice in the world, we should investigate both the philosophical character of justice as well as the conditions in the world that shape people's ideas about it.
I think inquiry most likely to be fruitful if we start with first-order problems and engage higher-order commitments only to the degree necessary to tackle them. Abortion: The Supreme Court Decisions , provides an extended analysis and annotation of the political and legal debate on abortion in the United States since the s.
In Death by A Thousand Cuts , Graetz and Shapiro explore new evidence that bears on the old question: In democracies, why don't the poor soak the rich? The prospect that, if given the vote, the poor would use it to do just that dominated nineteenth-century debates about expanding the franchise.
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It is also predicted by the median voter theorem in political science. In fact, majorities in democracies sometimes support regressive changes in distribution , which is to say the poor sometimes vote for measures that will increase the wealth of the richest members of society at their own expense.
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This was the case with the broad bipartisan support for repealing the estate tax , which had been on the books since , as part of President Bush's tax cut. This tax was paid by the wealthiest two percent of taxpayers; half by the wealthiest half of one percent. Finding few useful insights in the political science or economics literatures to account for this, Graetz and Shapiro undertook a micro-study of the estate-tax repeal's legislative success.
The book develops a number of insights about what makes redistributive coalitions more and less effective in American politics, underscoring the complex pluralism of power in America and the role of moral commitments in animating lived political experience. It also provides insights into the ways in which Americans understand and make decisions about their interests. They argue that interest groups can radically change politicians behavior without substantively changing public opinion. In the case of the estate tax, interest groups were able to recast public opinion by employing priming and non-neutral wording in opinion polls.
Graetz and Shapiro were to have received the Sidney Hillman award for the book, but the award was revoked at the last minute due to allegations that Shapiro had intimidated graduate student assistants during a union campaign at Yale in , which an administrative court later found to be an illegal partial strike. Shapiro expressed regret over the withdrawal of the award and noted that the administrative law judge dismissed claims against Yale stemming from the strike, so the allegations against him were never adjudicated.
Ian Shapiro Delivers Irvine Lecture
In the wake of America's foreign policy decisions in the first decade of the 21st century and their consequences, Shapiro wrote Containment. But furthermore, aggressive foreign wars are expensive in terms of monetary and political capital, and have costs in terms of foreign reputation also. Even a trans-border threat like organized terror, he argues, can be most effectively contained by pressuring host countries.
Kennan's defense of containment had been strategic all the way down, but Shapiro argues that the doctrine's imperative to ratchet up only enough coercive force to stop the bully, without yourself becoming a bully, embodies the central commitment to resisting domination that gives the democratic ideal its normative appeal.